Indigenous Politics and Autonomy

In the following article The Indigenous Movement in Mexico: Between Electoral Politics and Local Resistance we witness some of the issues that indigenous people encounter on a daily basis in their interactions with the state. Most of the research done in this journal piece is in regards to how indigenous communities have interacted with the EZLN the indigenous resistance movement in Chiapas. They have used this organization as the launch pad for various other local organization in other states to form who battle for indigenous rights. These battles are a long drawn out war between indigenous people and the state regarding traditional land rights, political power, and the recognition of indigenous cultures and languages. all of these problems stem from either nationalist ideology of assimilation, corporatist dictatorial control over indigenous political affairs, and the steady increase of neoliberal reforms across the state of Mexico through the implementation of NAFTA and other trade agreements.

In regards to land rights indigenous groups have resisted many neoliberal attempts on privatizing water rights, the monopolization of biomedical plants, and the monoculture practices of large multinational agribusiness corporations. Through the rise of Monsanto and GMO indigenous tribes see this as a threat to the rich biodiversity of their crops primarily corn and beans. New trade acts from the Water Act to the Biodiversity and Mining Rights Act are heavily denounced as neoliberal attempts to privatize water tables underneath the ground for corporate use or the privatization of lands for mining conglomerates. 

Indigenous people have also fought for the recognition of their languages and culture as a fabric of the larger Mexican nation. In theory the and ideologically the state recognizes only one culture and people which is the Mexican people as a mixed race people. Indigenous cultures are seen as relics of a premodern age and thus seen as primitive. They have fought for constitutional changes to not only recognize the diversity of ethnicity in Mexico but recognize indigenous languages as important symbols of cultural continuity and renewed efforts to save these languages. 

Finally the article addresses the seemingly impossible task of politically empowering indigenous people in the public sphere. Thier relations with the three parties are dismal with the PRI using them for years within their corporatist system to control their activities and reinforce a hierarchal system of caciques. The PAN is seen as a instrument of neoliberalism and racism and thus of no use. The PRD the traditional party of the left is seen as a traitor for approving many of the neoliberal reforms the indigenous people fought against. Traditional leftist discourse sees indigenous people as agricultural workers lacking class consciousness not realizing the deep ethnic, cultural, and tribal identities of these people who exist outside the paradigm of marxist class struggle. 

Hernández Castillo, Rosalva Aída and Victoria J. Furio. "The Indigenous Movement in Mexico: Between Electoral Politics and Local Resistance." Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 2 (03, 2006): 115-31, http://search.proquest.com/docview/37717673?accountid=14068.

Anti-Haitian sentiment results in violence once again

As I was doing research for my paper, I came across an article that I found rather unsettling. I had heard of instances like this happening in passing before but until I really analyzed the situation involving both nations and the history behind it I didn't realize how important this was. In February of this year, a Haitian man was found hanging from a tree in Santiago, Dominican Republic (one of the major cities in the country). His hands and feet were bound and he showed signs of abuse. The police immediately ruled out racism and anti-Haitianism as the reason behind the attack but they did so without even giving enough time for an investigation, as if they were brushing it off.

Earlier someone had been burning a Haitian flag and then coincidentally, a Haitian man is hung from a tree in the middle of a Santiago park. Haitian people have been seen as a plague on the Dominican Republic but this was just "an isolated incident". It is concerning that anti-Haitianism was at the root of one of the Dominican Republic's biggest tragedies and now in the year 2015, it isn't a dictator that is commiting heinous crimes against Haitians..it's ordinary citizens.


http://www.npr.org/blogs/codeswitch/2015/02/14/384344141/haitians-lynching-renews-protests-against-dominican-citizenship-law

Is Rent Regulation a form of Redistribution?

In Nancy Fraser’s, Justice interruptus: critical reflections on the "postsocialist" condition she begins by discussing how struggles for recognition occur in a world exacerbated by material inequality (Fraser 1997,11). These material inequalities exist in things such as income, property ownership, education, healthcare and leisure time. Frazer suggest that in order to mitigate these inequalities governments must develop a theory which is capable of identifying and defending cultural and social polices of equality. This is due to the fact that Fraser believes that economic disadvantages and cultural disrespect are interconnected and capable of producing cycles of subordination. For this reason, Fraser sets out to remedy both these inequalities with what she calls affirmation and transformation. Affirmation remedies the effects of unequal outcomes while transformation corrects cultural inequalities by restructuring the very foundation that causes it.

Although rent-regulation was not created for the economically disadvantaged, over the years, it has turned into policy that remedies unequal economic outcomes. This is shown by how rent regulation continues to provide housing for low-income earners in the city. Therefore, it follows that rent-regulation is a form of affirmation, as it corrects unequal outcomes but does not change the framework that creates those outcomes.

 In a world without economic inequalities, there would be no need for rent regulation. As Fraser mentions you cannot redistribute goods without fixing the framework that causes the disparity. For this reason, Fraser recommends that the framework of the institution be restructured. However, since the transformation of the institution is rather unlikely, rent regulation will continue to be the remedy at the surface.

Reference:

Fraser, Nancy. 1997. Justice interruptus: critical reflections on the "postsocialist" condition. New York: Routledge.

Is Daniel Ortega's Political Regime Truly Benefical to Nicaragua's Citizens?

 

            Nicaragua’s current political system is a representative democratic republic, and since 2007 Daniel Ortega has been the president. Ortega is currently serving his second term and many argue that his political regime has been the most beneficial to Nicaragua's development. What is extremely interesting is that Ortega was part of the Sandinista National Liberation Front that took power in 1979. The FSLN advertised that its main concern was protecting the interests of the poor, since they represented the majority of the population. Under the Sandinistas regime there was an increase in social programs that included social security, healthcare, retirement and rural health benefits. Although all of this sounds extremely beneficial that has not been the case, the average Nicaraguan is still living in extreme poverty. 

           Those who voted and supported Daniel Ortega had specific expectations, they believed that he was going to do what was necessary for the poor. However, under his presidency the poor have not experienced much improvement in their lives. Yet, according to the latest numbers published by the Central Bank, Nicaragua’s economy has grown 30% since the Sandinistas returned to power in 2007 (Central Bank). Thus the question that arises is, who is truly benefiting under Ortega's regime? In an article entitled "Some Sandinistas Never Change" Paul Bonicelli states,"Nicaragua is still desperately poor and ruled as an illiberal democracy, meaning that the constitution, laws, property right and free speech are curtailed whenever it suits the rulers''. I found this quote to be insightful and helpful when answering the question of who is truly benefiting under Ortega's regime. Although, Nicaragua is doing better economically the majority of its citizens are still living in extreme poverty and have not experienced much change. What is really frustrating is that while the majority of his country cannot afford to eat a well balanced meal every day, Ortega is driving around in a Mercedes-Benz G63. According to Bonicelli's article, the luxury vehicle is transported to his various destinations on a flat-bed truck. There is no need for the President of the worlds second poorest country to be driving a Mercedes-Benz G63, that costs $137,150 US dollars,  and when converted is equivalent to 3,708,933.73 in Nicaraguan Córdoba. The money used to purchase that car should've been implemented into a policy that addresses the concerns of the poor. 

          What is even more disappointing is that Ortega is willing to spend $30 million on Russian fighter jets in hopes of building up Nicaragua's military. His main concern should be improving the lives of his citizens, which will in turn effect the success of Nicaragua as a whole. What is the point of having a strong and powerful military if your country is failing and cannot compete with the rest of the world. Ortega's political regime is extremely controversial because it is not addressing the needs of its citizens and he is the primary beneficiary. Thus, it is difficult for Nicaragua to prosper if Ortega does not focus on improving the lives of the poor, since that is what led to the country's underdevelopment and stagnation.